‘Nyay Patra’ vs ‘Modi ki Guarantee’: Free citizens or wards of the state? https://frontline.thehindu.com/politics/nyay-patra-modi-ki-guarantee-congress-bjp-manifesto-comparison/article68101333.ece 
The Congress and BJP manifestos are unflatteringly similar, but with one crucial difference: the empowerment of citizens.  Apr 26, 2024 ASHISH KOTHARI

Ashish Kothari highlights the Alternatives View of the Manifestos.

Both manifestos are silent on some crucial actions that could lead India to achieve the goals of justice, equality, and sustainability. 

Nearly 50% of Indian population lives in the cities, for they are hub of opportunities and significant in country's development trajectory. Yet, the urban landscape remains a blank spot in our political discourse. https://thewire.in/politics/the-urban-question-whats-on-offer-for-indian-cities-in-party-manifestos 

 Through an analysis of election manifestos, this article locates the urban within the slew of promises, understanding how India’s cities feature in them.

While the popular assumption that – Bharat Ek Krishi Pradhan Desh Hai (India is an agrarian country/economy) – persists, the reality now is far from the truth. The urban now would almost house 50% of the population and play a preeminent role in the country’s development trajectory. It is where the jobs are, where youth and the workers flock to, and what drives capital. Yet it is also where the deepest inequalities exist, with a lack of access to basic amenities and infrastructures. Our cities routinely stand at the top of the charts for being the most polluted, climate-disaster-prone, and unliveable in the world. It is responses, if not solutions, to these challenges that we seek to find in the manifestos and that tell us of our urban policy drift.

by Vikram Mukka

24/04/2024

https://thewire.in/politics/bjp-manifesto-congress

You can see the Congress promises crystal clear. You will have to delve into the realm of faith to gather the precious gems from the sea of BJP's manifesto.    

by Sanjay K. Jha

15/04/2024

BJP should have clarified its stand on issues like restoration of complete statehood to Jammu and Kashmir and restoration of peace in Manipur. Meanwhile, the Congress should have mentioned controversial legislations like CAA and the protection of minority rights. https://thewire.in/politics/a-comparison-of-congress-and-bjp-manifestoes-and-what-they-fail-to-mention 

Comparison of the two major national parties’ manifestoes for the 2024 Lok Sabha elections reveals the similarities in their approach on major national issues and some stark differences on others. On issues like defence, national security, terrorism, foreign policy, healthcare, education and reforms concerning the economy, infrastructure, social security, judiciary and agriculture, there are more similarities than differences between the Congress and the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), at least on paper. The major differences lie in their approach to religious and cultural rights, reservation and federalism.  

by Prashant Padmanabhan

21/04/2024

 https://thewire.in/labour/jobs-in-the-congress-manifesto-a-promise-and-a-hope 

After a ‘lost decade’ of electoral autocracy and rising wealth and income inequality, the ruling party is not fighting the 2024 election based on its successes or record. Meanwhile, the Congress party, with its 2024 manifesto or ‘Nyay Patra’, has managed to produce one of the best manifestos in its recent history. It embodies the ingredients,  processes and commitment required to revitalise India’s constitutional democracy and jobs. The Five Nyay – on the youth, women, workers, farmers and marginalised sections – mark a new beginning in the country. Once implemented in letter and spirit, they could heal the wounds of society, bring the economy back to prosperity and restore constitutional democracy. Even as we believe these reforms should have preceded the economic reforms of 1991, it is timely to put them up now.

Here we focus only on the jobs-related commitments in the manifesto.

Youth justice, one of the Five Nyay, holds immense potential for jobs. Under it, the Right to Apprenticeship  promises that every post-secondary pass-out (whether a one year-certificate, two-year diploma or degree holder) a Rs 1 lakh annual stipend. There is already an Apprenticeship Act of 1961, which has not delivered apprenticeship opportunities in the organised sector as it was supposed to. With a workforce of 570 million in 2023, India still has no more than 600,000 formal apprentices. Except the Central PSU and state PSUs, neither large private corporates nor MSMEs have adopted apprentices. This is a serious problem for the youth, with youth unemployment rates doubling between 2012 and 2023 according to government PLFS data, or much worse (44% for 20-24 year olds according to CMIE data in 2023). This must change if the youth are to get a pathway to the world of work from their education.

The most successful apprenticeship programmes exist in Germany, which has had a record of maintaining the lowest youth unemployment rates in Europe. Young graduates suffer from a disadvantage in any labour market: they have no work experience. Therefore, employers are wary of hiring them. So the apprenticeship is an opportunity to a) work and receive a stipend, while b) getting training. It is the best of both worlds of work and education. That is why a one year Right to Apprenticeship is being welcomed by the youth, and even Indian employers.

 

Besides, the Skill India programme is not delivering. Therefore, it was wise for the Congress to adopt a Right to Apprenticeship, which  would boost both skill formation and employability. This is critical for realising India’s demographic dividend that will expire after 2040.

Besides, the Congress promise of filling 30 lakh central vacancies in the government sector is a recognition of the fact that India has among the lowest public or civil service per 1,000 population in the world. Filling vacancies will kill several birds with one stone: not only will regular government jobs with social security increase, but it will improve the quality of public social and economic services. It is important, of course, that Group D positions should still not be filled with regular permanent staff, as 89% of all government servants in India consist of Groups C and D staff (or lowest levels).

In addition, calling off the Agnipath scheme will instil a sense of pride and confidence in the youth. As important and praiseworthy is the guarantee of the party to restructure the Fund of Funds Scheme for supporting start-ups.

An additional promise in the Congress manifesto is notable. State government appointments in state after state have been held up year after year, on account of ⁠paper leaks. The Congress guarantees new laws to ensure the highest standards of integrity and fairness in the conduct of public examinations. In addition, the Congress plans to create a corpus to incubate start-ups, with allotments spread across all districts of the country for a period of five years. Youth below the age of 40 years can avail start-up funding for their business enterprises in any sector.

Equally important and timely is the promise of gender justice.

As always, women have been the worst affected during the COVID-19 pandemic in India, mainly because of the poor financial support that they had. Among the migrant workers deserting the urban areas, there were heart-wrenching episodes of suffering of women, including labour pains and delivery on roads. Had there been money with them, the casualties could have been avoided. The Mahalakshmi scheme promising cash transfer of Rs 1 lakh annually per household will empower millions of households and women in particular. The guarantees for keeping one-third seats of all legislatures for women candidates will bring gender justice in other ways.

 

In addition, filling 50% jobs in the Union government will further empower women. Women’s labour force participation in India is very low, and has been falling, despite the fact that young women are getting much better education. Such better educated women don’t want to be in agriculture, which they have been forced to join in the last three years, especially to work on the family farm.

The Congress manifesto also promises to undertake a comprehensive social, economic and caste census that will survey the population, their social and economic status, and communities’ share in national wealth and representation in institutions of governance to revolutionise India’s affirmative action policy. This is essential to implement another job-related guarantee: the Aarakshan ka Haq.  The Congress guarantees that it will pass a constitutional amendment to raise the 50% cap on reservations for Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, and Other Backward Classes.

Participation justice (bhagidari nyay) forms the core of India’s constitutional democracy. It is not doles and transfers that pull people out of poverty, but equitable justice. The promise of increasing the participation of SC/ST/OBC communities in all wings of the Indian state will bring a phenomenal change in the self-respect of 85% of the population. This will correct the skewed and over representation of a few communities in the mainstream, in fact the domination they enjoy in India in every aspect of economic and social life. The promise of improving their participation in public works contracts will help reduce economic inequality across communities.

Finally, there are two other potential job creating promises in the Congress manifesto. There is a very promising new focus on MSMEs and supporting them. More importantly, the Performance Linked Incentive Scheme is to be totally restructured. Of the current PLI sectors identified for subsidisation to support Indian manufacturing, 12 of the 14 sectors are capital intensive ones. So in fact, rhetoric will hardly create new jobs. Congress wants to start a new PLI for labour intensive manufacturing which will create more jobs. This is essential since manufacturing share in GDP had fallen from 17% (its consistent share over the preceding 25 years), since 2016 to 13% of GDP by 2021. It has only just risen to 17% again. Manufacturing share of employment still remains lower; not surprising since total manufacturing employment, which was 60 million in 2012, had fallen to 55 million by 2019,and has barely climbed back up to over 60 million in 2022.

by Santosh Mehrotra and Bir Singh

11/Apr/2024
 

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Seven decades down the line the electoral scene has changed for the worse and is currently dominated by emotive issues. The foundation of derailing the ‘this worldly’ issues was the Ram Temple movement. This movement became stronger after the implementation of Mandal Commission report. Since then the domination of emotive, identity issues is on the rise. This is reflected by the fact that in 2019, no party dared to utter the word secularism, as claimed by the winner of 2019 elections, Mr. Narendra Modi himself. He presented it as a trophy for the efforts of RSS-BJP’s political success.

https://countercurrents.org/2022/11/indian-electoral-politics-shifting-sands/ 

It is in this track that any issue can be given a religious turn as we witnessed its peak in the coining of phrase ‘Corona Jihad’. This showed how electoral politics can be reduced merely to game of identity issues. BJP has mastered this art over a period of last few decades. The media, which is prostrating to BJP ideology, is putting its best efforts to magnify the doings of communal stream.

Not to be left behind, Arvind Kejrival is trying to compete which these divisive efforts revolving around identity issues, in his own unique smart ways. The AAP, which in a way, is an alternate model of communal politics; is playing its Hindutva/communal card with shrewdness. Kajriwal party is also an example of blind subservience to the dictator by the other leaders of that party. As Kejriwal demanded this; all his cronies, stated saying the same. The peak of this was Atishi Marlena, who stated that this demand of Laxmi-Ganesh is not merely Kejriwal demand, it is the aspiration of 130 crore Indians! Most of the dictatorial tendencies believe they are speaking for the whole country. This is a duplicate of what Narendra Modi, when he was Chief Minister of Gujarat, used to say that he is talking on behalf of Five Crore Gujratis. India needs a party which can accommodate all sections of society with equality and dignity, apart from welfare; it also promotes employment and proactively deals with marginalized sections of society. We need a party where religion is not mixed with politics. For many, AAP began with a big promise for a better politics, but its reality is there for all to see with its trajectory leading to demanding Laxmi and Ganesh on currency notes and dumping of Jan Lokpal in the dustbin of Hisotry!

 

by   

2/11/2022